Thursday, December 29, 2011

God's Will or Limitations of Science?: Cyclone News and a Common Man


My Professor, a renowned scholar always used to insist despite we all believe in God, when you do research, you should exclude God from your research premise as God or Devil, according to epistemology is  ‘apriori’.
Belief is Belief and Science is Science
However, he was a greatest spiritual Guru and was the one who introduced us “Dance of Shiva” by Ananda Coomaraswamy. Whenever we questioned him about this dualism, he always maintained that “Does a scientist in laboratory behave the same way with his family members”?. “Belief is Belief and Science and Science”. If we questioned him further with this unconvincing answer, he would remind us of the unfinished academic assignments and would rudely reply “Go finish that work”!
The same Professor, suddenly fell unconscious one day. We all rushed him to the posh hospital in Chennai. The Hospital was so professional and highly equipped with all kinds of diagnostic instruments. I accompanied my teacher day and night as even his family members would not tolerate his “philosopher nature” all the time. After series of tests and scans, the doctors’ team headed by the senior Physician came to us and said, “All his parameters are okay. But we are yet to find out why he fainted”, and ultimately declared in the finding as “ NYD” ( Not yet Diagnosed).
Herbal Petrol Fraud and the Limitations of Science
After my Professor swiped roughly double his monthly salary as fees, with his medical report written in black, bold letters “NYD” – Not Yet Diagnosed, he looked at me and smiled, “ This is the limitation of Science”, and we both drove to Dhanvantri Temple and prayed for his health and returned home. Even while driving, he maintained “Kumaresan, see, there was a guy, who cheated the whole world that he is capable of producing Herbal Petrol. His news also appeared in the Journal “Science”, which is the ultimate dream of the most professional Scientist of world standard. Later, when these guyz asked him to prove it in a Laboratory ( I think its IIT, Chennai), the herbal petrol person was exposed as he literally filled petrol in a copper wand, sealed with wax and dipped in the boiling water and when the water melt, the petrol came out of the copper wand, and thus he was exposed).
When I was marvelling about the acumen of the Professors who exposed the fraud, My Professor with a subtle sarcasm said, “Hey, if these guys are really that much brilliant, they should have dismissed the very news on the day one that, making Petrol from herbal, with a conical flask and a Bunsen burner as a “Fraud”! That’s “incremental rationality” and the limitation of falsification. That’s science he said again looking at his medical report.
This day, That Year! – the Case of Thane Cyclone and weather Predictions
            Today (29.12.2011), when the entire media is blasting that there would be a severe cyclone in Pondicherry and Cuddalore, I could hardly believe that the announcement is true as the sky was clear and there is no single indicator of Rain or Thunderstorm. When I googled about the Cyclone, I was astonished to find the news as if the Times of ‘Nova’ is returning! My University administration some 76 kms away from Pondicherry, also went panicky because of the Orange Alert and immediately announced holiday.
Looking at the confused situation of clear sky and also the fear psychosis caused because of the Cyclone News, my research scholar asked me “Sir, What is happening”? I told him, “That’s the Limitation of Science, imitating my teacher, who might also would have imitated his teacher”! So saying, I started in a crowdy bus, with similar discussion about weather predictions getting false and even one was stating that not a single day weather predictions have proved correct. It is ultimately God’s will he asserted. A Majority of the crowd in the Bus agreed. I exactly knew where the arguments were centred.
God or Science?
            My Professor is now retired and looks more youthful than before. He reads rarely and got immersed with family chores. When very recently, I asked him”, Sir, What is your opinion on God?” – he maintained :- Some Say Yes, there is God and some say “No, there is No God”. As a researcher you must be aware that the truth is between the two propositions. You find it yourself. Stop asking me such questions, you becoming a teacher and guiding students for M.Phil and PhD!
‘Cyclone Thane’ -The Two Probabilities
            Now, there are two probabilities with the Cyclone (http://www.ndtv.com/article/chennai/cyclone-thane-likely-to-intensify-in-the-next-12-hours-161731), which states, the cyclone might intensify and would cause thunderstorm and cross the coast as indicated or even might dart along the coast and ravage Bangladesh. This is a game of chance and an occurrence of a random distribution. Certainly not under the control of humans. According to some, its God’s will. And as a tuned up educated University teacher, I would say “Limitations of Science”. Again, as my Professor was always maintaining, “Science is a Science” and “Belief is Belief”.Is this the Limitation of Science or the Will of God?
( Picture: Courtesy: www.businessline.com)

Sunday, December 25, 2011

Anna Hazare: A Messiah or a Political Nonsense?

Anna, the octogenarian and a hero already has been in the headlines for the past few months. He and his team have been under constant focus in the mainstream media. Thousands of people- a majority of them youth: both employed and students have self-recruited themselves as crusaders of corruption. The traditional ‘White Cap’ of  Indian National Movement has got a post-modern revival and decorates every men and women dressed in Jeans and T Shirt picturing the grand old man. Anna is now the demi-God for a small section(who say that they reflect the majority population) of the middleclass population of India.
While this is the projection in the media and in social networks in the internet world, the grand old man and the Leader of Anti-corruption movement Anna Hazare, has indeed left the Government of India contemplate a Legislation – The Lok pal Bill. I do not want to get into the nitty-gritty’s of the proposed bill but just want to record my opinion on the events that unfolded. I have nothing to say about the Team Anna or the media hype. But only consider the centrality of Anna’s movement – Its ideological base as a student of political science.
Why I consider the very movement as Anti-Democratic?
Anna’s only dream, the Lok pal Bill, gets an unique identity than other bills. It is, without any delegation, Anna have suo motu have taken the key functions of a democratic Government, “Legislation” and “Delegated Legislation” in his hand and backed by the supposed power of people forces the Indian Parliament to pass the bill as he wishes. The right to voice dissent against an undemocratic procedure that has been hijacked by Anna Hazare, would not apply for the members of the Parliament as the bill prepared by Anna is almost like God’s Verdict. No one should question it because Anna is supported by people. The Members of Parliament, who have the right to defer the bill, can never dare to do it. They even should not refer it to any sub-committees, because it might anger Anna and his crusaders.
Hijack of Democratic Protests
When Anna has the right to consider the entire collective body of the Government and the Parliament as ‘One Corrupt Organism’ (equally as nonsensical when making sweeping statements ‘Men’ are male chauvinists or Muslims are ‘terrorists’) say the Parliament is wrong in its process of decision making process, it is unfair that Anna denies the legitimacy of the Government and Parliament to retort that ‘Anna is Wrong’ with his proposed bill.
This is the fundamental flaw of Anna’s Movement – for having leading a parallel system of Legislature with vast army of men and women’s popular choice against the foundation of “Publc Interest”, what constitution defines. In India popular choice has never been rational – because the like the stock market’s index, it is driven by sentiments. Again and Again, I am reminded of Antonio Gramsci, at his comment “Subaltern Consciousness seeks imaginary solution for real problems and real solutions for imaginary Problems”. 
Anna, with his crusaders unwittingly seem to invent a fourth organ of the Government apart from Legislature, Executive and the Judiciary, which is by its very construction illogical. It is a mere fantasy - the reason why the mindless section of people join this fantasy.
All in the Game
I see the very announcement by Anna that “I want only Demand Drafts, and not cash for supporting the movement”, is an admission by Anna, the hard realities of financial administration at a lower level. Here too, no one can question Anna, why can’t you accept cash and make reliable people to maintain neat and fool proof accounts? Why do you insist on Cheques and Drafts? When your invention of “Super Humans”, who should enforce Lok Pal Bill, why not the same dream “Super Humans” be invented to maintain your movement’s financial accounts?
There is some substance when congress men say that “Anna, become a MP and come into the Parliament with your team and enrich the bill’.
Orchestrated by the Corporate world and iconized by the Satellite Media and approved by popular interest (as good as the viral “Why this Kolaveri Di Song”) Anna has indeed emerged as a Messiah and dauntlessly ending as a ‘Political Nuisance’.
Getting inspired from Popular protest movements in Eqypt, Libya and in Syria is a wrong example and can never materialize in Indian conditions fro obvious reason of India's vibrant democracy. First let the protesters cast their votes sincerely without staying at home eating and enjoying satellite televisions and then they can speak about restoring democracy in an undemocratic manner. 

(Note: Political Nuisance is not a swear word. It’s just an indicator to illustrate that the very construction of the ideological base for Anna's movement  is flawed and if my assumption is correct, it can never sustain for even another three months. I respect Anna but reject his movement)

Monday, December 19, 2011

Jayalalitha Expelling Sasikala & Co from her Political Party!

The moment the news was released by the AIADMK, the ruling party headed by Ms.Jayalalitha, the news attained paramount importance. The broad dimensions of discussion of this expulsion has been:-
(1) Does this mean the "Beginning of Wisdom" for Jaya or
(2) A "Temporary Arrangement" within AIADMK? or
(3) With just few days left for the General Body Meeting of the AIADMK, is it a political gimmick for misleading the spectators and partymen?
Let me examine the assumptions that has been the centre for discussion among people around.
(1)"Does it mean the beginning of Wisdom" for Jayalalitha?"
There were never a single moment in her career Jayalalitha was sans wisdom - so would say any one who is around her. This action of expelling Mrs.Sasikala, her aide for more than two decade is certainly not an easy decision for Jayalilatha. She knews that Mrs. Sasikala and her aides would know every minute details of Jayalalitha and her transactions in Political spheres as the party High Command. Hence this decision was an acid test and Jaya has succeeded in this - Definitely, at a personal level, its a hard decision for Jayalalitha. Hence this expulsion only underscores Jaya's assertiveness that she is above all - including Sasikala.
(2)A Temporary Arrangement within AIADMK
I really do not know how to react with this popular opinion that Jaya, wants to please the Party - Ridiculous! AIADMK was never a organised, hierarchical, political party- The first, second and third levels of Decision making is "Amma" and "Amma" alone. No other political party in Tamil Nadu exist, thrive with this strange paradoxical situation in Democracy. Ministers, Members of Legislative Assembly see her as their Goddess and party-membership in AIADMK mean a devotee of AMMA. Its also an un-explainable phenomena how people approve her "One Woman Show", which Mr.Karunanidhi could never dream of in-spite of his far better diplomacy and political maneuvers than Jayalalitha.
Hence, the expulsion by Jayalalitha is to please her party members is a illogical stand as AMMA means AIADMK and AIADMK means AMMA and she is the uncrowned and unquestionable authority, who need not think of pleasing her partymen with this expulsion.
(3) Is it a political gimmick to mislead people?
I do not think so because Jayalalitha is not a person who is bothered about the impact of her actions.
Then Why this decision?
Survival. Survival Alone. There could not be a second thought that Ms.Jayalalitha could have gathered incriminating evidence that the expelled people are working not against the party but against her - which mean, her wrath against Ms.Sasikala and Co, cannot be better rationalized, unless they have tried to Jeopardize Jaya's political career, that too when the "Disproportionate Asset Case" is getting closer. Undoubtedly this incident could not have aimed predominantly against Sasikala but she would have been trapped in cross fire,when Amma started firing.
Will Jayalalitha and Sasikala reunite?
However, going by the past history of Jaya- Sasi stand offs, no one is sure that this impasse would continue for ever as many times in the past the two have rejoined - That is the reason why even people in AIADMK at higher level are cautious in reacting and rejoicing the expulsions.
The case of Karunanidhi - Shanmuganathan Reunifications
There is a same case history in DMK too.Mr.Shanumganathanthe five decade Private Secretary of Mr.M. Karunanidhi, the DMK Leader, who was also Karuna's Shadow separated and reunited often on petty personal clashes. Mind that there is no emotional attachment between Karuna and his Secretary Shanmuganathan, except that both belong to the same place and caste, unlike Jaya and Sasi who call each other as" Foster Sister" and a joint partner in many capital investments
Sacrificial Goats - The Civil Servants of Tamil Nadu
God alone knows the number of Civil Servants who were axed/ transferred before they actually know the reaon why they were transferred since the past two decades. Not knowing which side to take, many officers sacrificed themselves at the dearest cost of democracy that led them to compulsory waiting for about five to six months( half a year, who are innocent victims of Jaya-Sasi Deadly combination: ).The large population of affected population ( including the "to-be affected" of bureaucrats would have had an extra sweet to savor with their dinner on hearing the eviction news.
Also one has to accept that not all civil servants face these musings. Why? - I leave this to the consciences of the bureaucrats.In any case impersonal and neutrality as enunciated in 'Weberian Model', stands good for all times.
What Next?
This move of expulsion, hardly a week ahead of ADMK's General Body meeting should be a surprise package and apparently might be a temporary arrangement. But one thing is clear: AIADMK is AMMA's strong hold.This eviction proceeding is undoubtedly a thunderbolt for the aides of Sasikala, playing around in AIADMK Party as Power Centres.Today is not a good day for them. However Sasikala who would probably return soon to stay in ‘Veda Nilayam’, the official residence of the Chief Minsiter of Tamil Nadu, as her foster sister within few days/weeks if not!
The announcement of expulsion can only expel Sasikala from AIADMK Party but can certainly have no scope beyond that as history have always indicated that Sasikala has been the moral strength of Jayalalitha!
Let’s wait and watch!
Loyal Party-men who shout praises for Jayalalalitha for her "weeding action" also should know they are being watched!
My Observation as a student of Political Science & Public Administration

1. How strange? - A decision in a family has its effect in the State's Politics and Administration and the vice versa - an indicator that the political parties of Tamil Nadu coming to power, supposed to be the operating system for the Government for the next Five Years are thoroughly personalized and de-institutionalized (Atul Kohle's observation on "Governability Crisis in India" is getting validated)
2. Whether its DMK or ADMK, in TN politics, the actors,plot and the climax are very similar to each other(A valid research area for tabulation and comparison at least for a M.A Dissertation)!
3. This is the sorry state of political affairs in Tamil Nadu! These are the moments I think of 49(O) - The Right to record that " I AM VOTING NONE" in the 'Electronic Voting Machine'(EVM) at the time of elections, which could check the process of "electing a political party" for lack of choice( A good question for a random survey across tamil Nadu best suited to be conducted at this time).

WHAT IS THIS 49(O)? The simpler version of the 'Right to Recall'.
How?: I shall write about that in due course!

Friday, December 16, 2011

THE KOODANKULAM STAND OFF – LOCAL INTEREST VS NATIONAL INTEREST



I do not want to comment on the cause and course of the protest for nuclear power plant at Koodankulam, but I wish to snapshoot the following things as the precipitating factors for the People’s Agitation.
Today( 16th December 2011), as per the news item in “The Hindu”, the protestors have demanded certain copies of the document that were a part of the design, construction and operationalisation of the Dam. It is not known what that would lead to. The matter being a ‘fait accompli’ and the nuclear reactor is fuelled and hot run has been conducted, there is no point in stopping the power plant from operation.
At this instance, let me draw my observation as under:-
Lacunae on the part of Koodankulam Nuclear Power Plant
1. This is a project that began in 1989 and its roughly two decades, where a generation of students have become citizens. Proper awareness ought to have been given through schools. Even now by concerted efforts this is possible.
2. The ‘Mock Drill’, that is said to have pressed the panic button in people should have been carried with recent research tools of participatory approach.
3. It is still a point of concern that the ‘pro active disclosure under Right to Information Act, 2005’, needs to be effectively implemented in all the Nuclear Power Stations. The Government should be candid in announcing that the end product of used fuel is an asset for developing nuclear weapons, which would put an end to this lack of transparency.
4. The global fear of far reaching consequences of mishandled nuclear wastes should be effectively addressed by the scientific community.
Restoring Negotiations with the Local Population
What is the need of the hour is to restore the confidence of people by more participatory approach through Scientists and Academics, well versed with the scientific truths about Nuclear Power generation from the Higher Institutes of Learning in and around Koodankulam and school and college students need to be provided awareness by arranging visits to other nuclear power stations and the locality. The divide between the elite scientific community and Local population need to be minimised in order to allay the fears of loss of livelihood and the representatives of the Local Bodies are to be taken for confidence by the State apparatus. People also say that the earlier public hearing conducted by the State was a mockery and people having almost lost belief in similar reconciliatory approach.
Arguably one can say that the sarkari style of functioning and the lack of transparency has been the precipitating agent of the initial stage of the protest. The power generation plants and the Department of Atomic Energy should take concrete steps to win people’s confidence. People who favour nuclear plant also say that that people’s ignorance have become the investment for fuelling this uneasiness by vested groups. The reinforced fears that Trivandrum in the neighbouring Kerala would be wiped out because of the Power Plant is no doubt fictitious that there is also some substance in the furious counter arguments of Dr. Iyer, Member, KKNPP Expert Group and Radiation Safety Professional calling for law in this country against press spreading such canards? This is the time for the media to act on an objective part than fuelling fear psychosis in the minds of innocent people.
It is a matter of fact that clean energy is our current quest and to achieve energy self sufficiency there emerge an urgent need for greater awareness among citizens towards nuclear power generation. Also it becomes the moral responsibility of the Government for clarifying the doubts of a common man on disproportionately feared issues of Safety Concerns of Atomic Power plant and related waste disposal mechanisms.
And the issue has been only a local issue and not even a matter of concern or attention for the people of the region or the state, which means, there is still some scope for the Government to act and take control of the situation. So far the issue has not cropped up into an ideological warfare against nuclear power generation but just a local uneasiness for fear of loss of livelihood. When similar projects in the pipeline in Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra are met with simmering public resentment the issue needs to be viewed more empathetically departing from the conventional mindset like “Legitimacy of State” and “Larger Public Interest” lest it would aggravate as the biggest headache for the State and Central Governments. If a careful and a well synchronized action is taken by the Government with confidence winning measures, the impasse would be easily resolved.
Whatever the case, one can never undermine the demands of a liberal democracy to win the hearts of people as any achievement at the cost of resentment will only undermine the belief and their respect for democracy that we are witnessing in the recent years and Koodankulam should never become yet another disaster of Democracy because it is more dangerous than a nuclear disaster!

Thursday, December 15, 2011

India’s Federalism at Cross Roads?


'Mullai Periyar Dam' - Cracking Dam or Indian Federalism?
The uneasiness’s between the quarrelling states in India are turning uglier day by day. The causes for divide in opinion could be political, economic or even social. Whatever the differences are, they need to be sorted out within the framework if the Constitution. If first round talks fail, second round and keep discussing until the issue is settled constitutionally.
The recent fall out of clashes between the states say it is Karnataka- Tamil Nadu row over water sharing ( Hogenakkal and the Cauvery water sharing) or Kerala- Tamil Nadu standoff between the Mullai Periyar Dam, incidents have folded uglier that somehow makes a person feel that the inter-state borders have become Huntington’s “Civilisational Fault lines”!
My apprehension is precipitated by a popular news item in leading dailies of Tamil Nadu that (14th December 2012). An IPS Officer in rank of an Additional Director General of Police ( ADGP), hailing from Kerala allotted to Tamil Nadu Cadre ( 1984 Batch IPS), has been accused with a swear word “Malayaali” for being biased to Kerala!
What did the IPS Officer do?
The Addl Director General of Police was on duty and had to disperse the crowd along the TN Border side in the District of Theni, Tamil nadu. The angered protestors started becoming unruly and were trying to enter into the Kerala unwilling to disperse. The ADGP along with the Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) another IPS Officer a native Tamilian was also involved in the same job. When the DIG, a TN Home cadre Officer was spared from the verbal firing of the mob, the ADGP was shouted that he is acting in favour of Kerala, his home state. This barbaric and chauvinistic manner of accusing an officer discharging his duty might be a Hedonistic activity for the protestors, who were emotionally charged. But what really is unsavory is, the way media have highlighted and also endorsed the view of the protestors that the Officer is biased. This is a matter of great concern, especially when Justice Katju was in the line of fire when he mooted a code of conduct for the media, in good faith.
This vandalism accusing a civil servant who has almost spent two decade in a State, being biased against the cadre (State) for which he/she has been toiling is indeed preposterous and unconstitutional. If this attitude is not curbed immediately by the State Government, then the ‘All India Civil Servants’ allotted to Cadres other than Home Cadre shall be obviously viewed with suspicion. Can a Officer hailing from Tamil Nadu, allotted to Kerala or Karnataka or other neighboring states can be termed to be working against his allotted cadre?
If this applies for All India Civil Servants, then the officers emerging within the state would be obviously branded as an outfit for a specific caste/social group! This spiral effect will not only damage the stability of bureaucracy but also ridicule the basic framework of India’s Federalism.
When officers necessarily and constitutionally need to act against the mobs/agitating people taking orders from above as a civil servant, these uncouth chauvinistic propaganda will not only demoralize them, but also erode the faith of people on the fundamental institutions of Governance. Undoubtedly I feel these are the worst moments of Indian Polity.
Indian Federalism: A Quick Look
I recall my student days’ moments of reading Grenville Austin’s writings on Indian Constitution during its embryonic stage. I also remember reading that at the time of Independence (1947); there were three types of Political Establishments in British India. (1) The British Provinces – The Bombay, Calcutta and Madras Presidencies (Singular: Presidency), (2) The States Acceded to India (Cochin, Bikaner and Jawhar) and (3) Princely States: Travancore, Hyderabad and may others. These three establishments were originally destined to be treated altogether in a different approach under the proposed Union of India.
Going by the earlier arrangement of Government of India Act, 1935, the Indian Union that was to materialize had the arrangement as if that the distribution of powers between the State and the Centre shall be governed as a federal system where the erstwhile Provinces shall enjoy very little power and the acceded states more power – that was the source of justification of the Privy Purse, which was later abolished.
Unfortunately, with the idea of a Strong Nation State perceived by Patel and operationalised by Nehru, we have the present political system of a week federal arrangement – Weak States and a Strong Centre, with the residuary powers of legislations vested with the Centre. The growing ambitions of the states at the cost of inter-state relationship not only vitiate the guarding principles of Federalism, but also attacks the foundation of the Idea of “Indian State”, belittling the lengthy political, cultural and economic history of India.
It is at this point we need to be reminded of the fact that structurally, one of the binding factors of this loose federalism or loosely packed Indian Union, the system of Civil Service and and certain solid agreements on States- Centre Relationships.
The Dynamics of Inter-State Conflicts on Executive and the Judiciary
With the advent of the inter-state conflicts that is often the initiative/response is from the Legislative organ of the state government. This action or reaction is against the structure of the Constitution. And it is quite obvious that this stress should impact the Executive Organ or/ and the Judiciary. It is these ‘curses on civil servants’ and the ‘undue pressure on Judiciary’, that often becomes the buffer of this structural weakness. These phenomena if continued unchecked will only result in the erosion of basic structures of Constitution as well as Governance in India.
Smaller State or Bigger State - The Issues are all the same
There is a sizable advocacy for the reorganization of bigger states into smaller ones and at the same time at the same time when it is talked that all the rivers need to be nationalized and Dams to be controlled by Central Armed Forces. Also, often, the Governments at the Centre (whether this party or that party) is blamed by the state governments for the non implementation of the Social Security schemes such as the Right to Education Act and the NREGS. It is at these moments, the states, the constituents of the Union of India should realize of the dictum ‘United We Stand and Divided We fall’. It is at these moments, I see that unwittingly the state political parties undermine themselves and possible that must be the reality as well!
Regional Political Autonomy : A Distant Dream?
These are times one has to think about the shortcomings of aspiring for regional political autonomy. With the rudimentary forms of political culture and the least degree of participative civic culture essentially required for “Political Transformations that we seek for”, India should put on hold the decision of “Regional Political Autonomy” for another 100 years!!
Slowly States should realize of their limitations. The states should realize that what India today is a product of history and not a fast food! That is the strength of India’s Unity, Indian Solidarity! India is not a creation in a day! It’s neither a religious construct but a Cultural construct closely knitted with each other.
A careful content analysis from the commodities we use from dawn to dusk from electricity to tooth paste and brush, soaps to shampoos, buckets and mugs, clothing and shoes, automobiles to everything we come across each day depicts India’s Oneness. Hence the slogan “United we stand- divided we fall” is not mere a romantic statement!
At the same time, it is a high time for a rethink of the Federal System and its arrangements. Rather than mere application of history and politics, I feel future path should accommodate a balanced economic growth together with political development in strengthening India’s Federal System.
Some Suggestions
There could be a tribunal for Inter State Conflicts, which can be a ‘one step ahead of’ forum for dispute settlement before the Supreme Court, because what is public interest need not be what popular interest is! This may be cynical but realistic. In India public and popular interest are always contesting and competing.
Also some kind of a regional movement of Civil Servants instead of locking them up to one cadre will also considerably contribute to better regional understanding and administration just as AGMU (Union Territory Cadre). Of course AGMU’s Civil Servants face a peculiar problem, on which I would write in the near future.
In any case, to sum up I would call upon the State Governments of Tamil Nadu and Kerala to make an informal request to the media to exercise self restraint in flashing news about Inter-State Disputes including Mullai Periyar Dam Row!
( Map of TN, Kerala Border, indicating the Mullai Periyar Dam - Courtesy:ibnlive.com)

Wednesday, December 14, 2011

The Changing Course of Political Obligations of Tamil Nadu Bureaucracy - Some Inconvenient Observations

The notification of Transfers and Postings of IAS Officers in the website of the Government of Tamil Nadu during the first week of August, 2011 really made me a bit uneasy.
One aspect of the Supreme Court's judgement on 'Equitable Education' in Tamil Nadu, really annoyed me. That is, the way the Secretary to School Education, Government of Tamil Nadu has been implicated as if she had decided on her own to say "Equitable Education is Good" during DMK regime and "was solely responsible for fixing the price of Text Books, and now after ADMK popular government has sworn in, she had on her own stated that "Equitable Education is Bad and substandard".
Except implementing the policy decisions of the political executive, the Secretary could have no other choice, as per the cardinal principle governing Indian Bureaucracy. I do not know how her batch mates and other colleagues react at this, but I strongly feel that it is grossly unfair that a permanent civil servant is taken for a ride at the I feel, it is the moral responsibility of the Chief Secretary to have replaced the School Education Secretary as soon as the revised bill is tabled in the TN Assembly or at least asked her to proceed on leave and the bill could have been signed by anyone else other than the same person who have signed the previous bill that has been now challenged.
What this mean? Why the burden of policy shifts be rested solely on the shoulders of the Permanent executives?
It’s understandable that the Officers were blind and deaf when Mr.C. Uma Shankar was taken to task by DMK regime but this is really a matter of concern. I wish this precedent set some guidance for a Transfer Policy when the same ministry takes a reverse stand on Policy matters.
Yesterday I should not be forced to say "Vegetarian Diet is Good" and today I should not be compelled to say " Vegetarianism is Bad and people who say vegetarianism is Good are wrong" - This is exactly what had went with the case of School Education
I am just a bird watcher and have nothing to say more as a Teacher of Public Administration and a former Professor of LBSNAA and am deeply disturbed as I have always held the opinion that the Civil Servants of India are the last hope for a stable administration what India has been proud of and boasting in all these seven decades of Independence.

Sunday, December 11, 2011

Executive Summary of the paper on “Social Exclusion, Poverty and Perpetuating Inequalities in India– A Political Perspective”


Introductory Part
In a country as India, the largest democracy driven by populism, 'public policy making' warrants a phenomenological construction instead empirical. I see a class and caste fragmented society governed by populist public policy (which does not recognize the Social dimensions of the society). There exists incongruousness between the 'Constitutional State' and 'Civil Society'. This incongruence is apparently felt in the ineffectiveness of the implementation of Social Equity Policies of State. As a result social exclusion in India has been a continuous space for discussion right from the point of origin of political empowerment in India to the present day. The paper sets forth to describe the relationship between social exclusion and poverty, the situation of social exclusion and tries to explain the emancipation of first generation Dalits (the untouchables) who attain elitism surpassing the barricades of social exclusion and the related obstacles taking inferential references from a couple of case studies. The paper has been constructed upon a multi disciplinary approach including public policy, sociology, psychology and development economics.
Statement of the Problem
I advocate that poverty in rural India is complementary to Social Exclusion (Undoubtedly there are upper caste people who are poor, but their percentage is very marginal when compared to the Dalits (untouchable castes). Also the striking difference is that the inbuilt system of intra social networking of dalits is very minimal[1] when compared to non-dalits, which helps the non-dalits to climb up the class ladder (There are numerous examples). Thus poverty of Dalits has a concrete relationship with the degree of Social Exclusion. Despite their legitimate aspirations of right to education, right to livelihood, there are cases where Dalit children do not go to school for their free noon meal (the only attraction for their parents to send their kids to school), because of the indifferent treatment meted out to them. These social stigmas are well accommodated and arranged within the social system, that opposition and resistance to such indifferences is conveniently ruled out and could be understood within the domain of “Poverty and Aspiration Failures”. We also cannot forget that these Dalits are those who come within the bell jar of ‘State Monitoring’, but there are millions trapped in jungles as tribes[2] ( though constitutionally demarcated as belonging to the Fifth Scheduled provinces of India, the tribals do not figure anywhere in the social mapping of India), are completely outside the scope of State intervention.
With the above as the setting, and to measure the degree of social exclusion and related poverty, I have identified three categories[3] of socially excluded Dalit population:
1. Those who are continuously put to perils without improvement of their status ( E.g. Project Affected Families with inadequate Rehabilitation and Resettlement Packages not addressing the social dimension of Rehabilitation and Resettlement, the rat eating societies of western Bihar in India, and the tribals divorced from the mainstream) – (Socially and Politically excluded group)
2. Those who are accessible to economic packages of the State and still cannot move beyond and remain static, due to social conditions ( E.g. those people trapped in rural pockets of dominant feudalistic Caste Hindu Societies such as the Pappapatti, Keeripatti Villages[4] of Southern India) – socially excluded and partly politically excluded group
3. Those who move up the ladder making use of affirmative actions of the State ( E.g., The legislators who are selected to the , Local Self Government, Provincial Legislative Assemblies and Parliament ( Political Empowerment) and he successful Civil Servants and persons in select elitist academic institutions. )- Socially excluded but having access to State’s affirmative actions)
I have chosen the third category and tried to answer a crucial question, “if this Social Exclusion is so abominable, then how come Dalits from rural societies attain empowerment through affirmative policies of the State and become Civil Servants, technocrats?”
Though the leverage provided by the State by way of schools have helped the individuals for the upward movement, despite the opposing current of social barricades, the sum total of the affirmative action could not help any one beyond a point (say the ‘optimal point of leverage’), and it is sheer motivation (as enunciated by Abram Maslow in his hierarchy of needs), the achievers move beyond and the learned helplessness is thoroughly overcome. They some times become role models. But this should never mean that only self actualized Dalits can become elites as what I demonstrated applies only for understanding ‘emancipation of first generation Dalits towards elitism[5] ).
Delimitation:
I am delimiting the term Social Exclusion to rural societies and not urban, where the premises are quite different than rural situations.
Scope for further studies
Identifying the specific indicators of motivation of achievers moving beyond the yoke of social exclusion, the factors that synchronize political participation and social inclusion, those indicators for the optimal harnessing of affirmative actions by the state by an individual, the specific indicators responsible for social exclusion in urban societies especially are some of the vital areas of further studies.
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[1] It is peculiar in India, that the Dalits have numerous leaders with their own groups, in the same political space. Except rationalizing that they form a part of “Political Articulation”, no other valid arguments can support the fragmentation.
[2] A lot of debate is centred whether to leave them be in the Jungle and not bring them to the main stream or to bring them to the mainstream politics as an act of social and political inclusiveness enshrined in the Indian Constitution.
[3] The three categories are not universal models. But micro models created to understand the degree of social exclusion and poverty so as to quantify the data. Identifying the indicators of social exclusion is underway.
[4] These villages with dominant caste population never allowed the Dalits from contesting for elections for decades.
[5] The sad part is that the neo-elites mostly become “interest groups” and they get them selves divorced from Dalit identity itself seldom bother about lending a leverage to other Dalits, which is apparent with Elite Dalits, when compared to the group behavior of other upper castes( this part is not within the scope of this paper) and attain sanctity in accordance to M.N Srinivas’s ‘theory of sancrtisation’.
(Abstract of my Oral presentation to be presented in 54th Congress of Indian Political Science Association, Lucknow University, Lucknow scheduled to be held from 28th to 30th December 2011)


The Politics of Social Security and Industrial Jurisprudence in India

ABSTRACT

The need for revisiting Indian Government’s policy on social security gains immense especially to the workforce of unorganised sectors. Despite the lengthy history of Industrial Jurisprudence, its scope is apparently limited towards the unorganised sectors because of the very fact the labour force of unorganised sectors are ‘per se’ unorganised and therefore remain outside the domains of the State’s intervention. This paper highlights the politics of social security in India in Globalised context and examines the present status of Industrial Jurisprudence as the means for pursuit of Justice and fairness to the workforce of unorganised sector. This is indeed the need of the hour when more and more debates arise on direct flow of Foreign Investment into service sector, which has a huge workforce that falls within the ambit of unorganised sectors.

‘Justice’ has been the central focus of all philosophical contemplations centered upon Humans as individuals, group or society in however forms they are organised. Ensuring Justice has been identified as the core function of State across civilisations. In a Democratic System, the means and the ends of the State is all about “Justice” – Social, Economic and Political representing the dynamics of Individual and Family, Market and the State as “organised” categories. Historically, ‘family’ has been the basic unit of society and has been the representative unit of the community. This mean that the values, mores, customs of the society will necessarily have its own impact of lesser or greater degree on the family and individuals as well. If security is the pursuit of individual, then in search of security, he/she capsules her/himself with the identity of the family and family identifies itself with the community and likewise community subscribes to the Society and ultimately the State. Hence the economic interest of individuals and families are part and parcel of the economic interest of the State. This underpinning also going by classical thinkers of western tradition applies to security and Justice as well, that makes State as the means and end for the pursuit of Justice and Security.

In this era of Globalisation when States are compelled to integrate with each other through their markets and political boundaries are mostly redefined as economic boundaries with the advent of regional cooperation such as the ‘Euro Zone’ of EuropeanUnion and ‘NAFTA’ (North American Free Trade Agreement) of Canada, Mexico and the Unites States of America. Under this new regime of production of goods, valuation and marketing mechanism, human activities ranging from production and distribution of goods, from distribution to realisation of the utility of public goods have undergone a huge transformation.

The conventional understanding of the factors of production namely Land, Labour and Capital itself is under a huge identity crisis in this globalised era that forms the basis of this research exercise. As understood, ‘production’ meant the synchronised utilisation of Land, the basic resource, capital and labour for “production”. Labour has been the vital linking factor between Land and Capital within a stipulated area or a political boundary. This fundamental phenomena has been the key for understanding Labour Economics and Industrial Jurisprudence that it the entire process of production being regulated by the State, the welfare of the Labourers stand automatically protected by the State as one of its prescribed primary function- Industrial Jurisprudence. Now that Globalisation as a movement had made the movement of labour force across the globe as “restricted” phenomena in the name of outsourcing, simultaneously ushering the rapid movement of capital across Counties has resulted in the enormous rise of conflicting interests of between Industrial establishments and labour forces. What requires a huge ‘over head charges’ for manufacturing a particular product in an advanced country with its own labour legislations and minimum wages, the same could be produced with almost one-tenth of its price in a developing country with its vast army of unorganised workforce completely outside the scope of Labour Welfare. This is the case in India too, with its vast human resources confined as numerous unorganised labour sectors. It is at this point, the mandate of Constitution and its core principle of Justice and fairness towards working class in the form of Industrial Jurisprudence both as an “idea” and organisation gains immense importance. Equally important is also brining these unorganised labour forces under the purview of the ‘Industrial Jurisprudence’ of the Constitutional State.

Industrial jurisprudence is an outstanding legal development of the 20th century. It is based on the principles of social justice, which is integral to the constitution. The most spectacular event towards the recognition of industrial jurisprudence was the establishment of the International Labour Organisation[1] which aims at securing the workers a decent standard of living in conformity with International standards, to the possible extent of economic conditions in a country may permit. In other words ILO standardises certain obligatory parameters of Labour Welfare across States.

The Role of Judiciary in Industrial Jurisprudence

The source of industrial jurisprudence takes recourse not only from the myriad legislations on labour and industrial legislations but also from the large number of industrial law matters decided by the Supreme Court and High Courts. Since the Canons of Justice is universal, these decisions by the Courts of Justice, rather than Courts of Law have their spiral effect on country’s population consisting of industrialists, workers and their families- their direct dependants. This branch of law modified the traditional law relating to master and servant derived from theological discourses. While contextualising an institutional system of enforcing Industrial Jurisprudence, modern State had to necessarily give away its old theory of ‘laissez faire’ and had to anchor upon upholding the ideals of Law, Liberty, Fraternity and Justice , administered through the philosophy of ‘freedom of contract’ in the larger interest of the society. The foundations of “Freedom of Contract” as legally translated in Industrial Jurisprudence essentially aim for the development of harmonious and amicable relations between the workers and employers.

In India, the Supreme Court has played a significant role in the evolution of industrial jurisprudence since Independence. It has not only made a distinct contribution to the law relating to industrial relations, social security and minimum standards of employment but also have innovated and devised new strategies for providing access to justice to the weaker section of society. It is not mere administration of Justice but also accessibility to Justice. By and large, it is this in accessibility that determines the ‘Delay and Denial’ of Justice. It is in this context, the court has acted as the protector of the working class both individually and collectively and often played the role of legislator whenever labour legislations are silent or vague on specific issues of administration of Justice, the cardinal limitation of delegated legislation. In fact most of the labour legislations and amendments therein have been made in response to the call by the judiciary. The industrial society all over the world has been moving during the present century from contract to status and this status is a politico-socio-economic juristic status[2] and India is no exception. In this context defining and operationalising “Social Security” arise as a vital idea and function of the welfare state.

Significance of Social Security

Social security maintains social cohesion and defies attempt of social conflict in highly individual society. A social security system aims to include an individual in society through measures or schemes implemented by the state to show solidarity towards such an individual. The successful implementation of the right to social security reinforces its significance on maintaining social and economic stability.

The quest for social security and freedom want and distress has been the consistent urge of man through the ages. This urge has assumed several forms, according to the needs of people and their level of social consciousness, the advance of technology and the pace of economic development. From its modest beginnings in a few countries in the early decades of the last century, social security has now become a fact of life for millions of people, throughout the world. Social security measures have introduced an element of stability and protection in the midst of stress and strains of life. It is a major aspect of public policy and the extent of its prevalence is a measure of the progress made by a country towards the ideal of a welfare state. The importance of social security has been emphasised by different political leaders, social reformers and economists in different ways. Today the philosophy of the concept is universally acknowledged as it has been accepted in principle that social security is the aim of all social welfare activities of all countries following different ideologies, different social and political structures and different economic policies. Ways adopted by the various countries may be different, but the purpose is the same everywhere. The concept of social security has united them all. Although the term was made popular only during the 30s of the last century, the philosophy behind the scheme was quite popular much before[3].

With the breakup of the joint family and village life, childhood, maternity, invalidity, sickness, old age and death of the bread-winner become formidable problems requiring best and just solution through proper mechanism. In such state of affairs the devices which provide adequate security are considered to be the forms, measures or schemes of social security[4]. Before the industrial revolution the requirements of social security were met by institutions like the joint family, church, guild and caste. The family was the first line of defence and it constituted the original cell of security: in fact the prototype of the highly developed modern social security institutions[5]. In order to deal with the aforementioned insecurities, there came in due course social legislations like Payment of Wages Act 1936, Minimum Wages Act 1948, Unemployment Benefits, Industrial Disputes Act 1947, Maternity Benefit Act 1961, Factories Act 1948, Payment of Bonus Act, 1965, Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972 Employees Provident Funds Act, Employee’s State Insurance Act 1952 and so forth.

Liberal Democracy and Social Security

Indian public policy since independence has been an admixture of populism and pragmatism. The welfare of the working class has been as seen in the successive five years plans has been the point of convergence of both the afore said populism and pragmatism. A shift in the economic policies in India was made when Indian economy faced a very difficult situation during 1990-91, on the domestic as well as on external front. There was a high rate of inflation (an annual rate of 13%) along with the deficits in the domestic budget and large indebtedness. India took a bold and far reaching step by formulating the New Economic Policy, which adopted Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation (LPG) as cardinal principles of economic development[6]. Liberalisation, Privatization and Globalisation are the three economic reforms, which have revolutionised developmental efforts in all the developing countries including India in recent years.

The last two decades may be said to be the privatisation decades. Government enterprises set up with the advent of socialism in most developing countries and which performed badly due to various reasons were given away to the private sector considered as more effective managers of commercial establishments. Today, all over the world, major industrial establishments are established as private sector projects only. It is therefore necessary that the government should withdraw from the sectors in which it lacks competency. If a country has to develop economically, it has to become part of the global economy so as to share the fruits of knowledge and technology from the developed countries. Ever since India accepted new economic reforms for the development of its economy, a number of arguments have been raised for and against liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation. There is a school of political thought which advocates that liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation mean abandonment of social justice. It is also argued that promotion of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation will upset the basic structure of the Constitution of India. Under such a situation, if the State the ultimate authority of Modern Governments needs to act lest, the common man would be forced to rise in revolt, which in turn, would lead to catastrophe. India is being devalued through liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation that have posed a threat to India[7].

Impact of Globalisation on Social Security Measures

Globalisation is undeniably a capitalist process which is certainly not a pro poor movement. In recent years, there has been a fresh stage of public protests against liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation. This activism, however, stems from a wide range of affected interests[8]. Increasingly, sections of the working class in industrialised countries have been voicing resistance to aspects of liberalisation , privatisation and globalisation that have created many adverse impacts in the matters of employment relations, trade union activities, job security, social insurance scheme, wage structure, labour exploitation etc. This has inevitably led to labour unrest in India resulting in many numbers of strikes threatening industrial harmony. However the current process of globalization is generating imbalanced outcomes, both between and within countries. Seen through the eyes of the vast majority of woman and men globalization has not met their simple and legitimate aspirations for decent jobs and a better future for their children. Many of them live in the limbo of the informal economy without formal rights and in a swathe of poor countries that subsists precisely on the margins of global economy.

Reacting positively to the emerging global economy, India for its past has started moving towards open market economy. Towards that end, it has initiated steps liberalizing the economy to facilitate entry of foreign investment. Simultaneously it has proceeded to induct reforms in phased manner in different segments more particularly in industrial and service sector to make them highly competitive. The process of liberalization having come to stay with the satisfactory completion of first phase of economic reforms, the government is presently contemplating reforms in other sphere as well, especially in laws governing work force in the industrial sector. Concern of the government for changes in labour legislations is on the higher side in view of the reality that foreign investment is directly related to such reforms. The labour legislations as on date are pro workmen, leaving no scope for freedom to parties to determine the terms and conditions and eventually they are more prone to resistance from the foreign investors. Under these changed circumstances, attention is to be focused on the impact and responses that are necessary to improve the competitiveness of labour to ensure increasing opportunities of employment, to ensure at least the minimum level of protection and welfare for workers in all sections of the economy – organized as well as unorganized.

It has been argued repeatedly, including by the ILO, that to be sustainable and to bring positive outcomes for all, globalization needs a new regulatory framework and that this requires the introduction of appropriate governance structure at the international level. However, as there is no consensus on how exactly to proceed on these matters, few concrete steps have been taken in this direction, and few will be taken, in all likelihood, in the foreseeable future. As a consequence, the international governance regime is (and probably will remain for some time) under-institutionalized, and the task of protecting societies from the potentially undesirable consequences of globalization still falls heavily, if not exclusively, on national-level institutions – however weakened these may be at the moment. Hence, the importance and relevance of globalization under the changed labour scenario is well significant and hence there is a need for restructuring the system, keeping in view the constitutional mandate, the ILO’s Conventions and recommendations so as to ensure the socio-economic justice for the workforce who are casualised and contractulised under the liberalized setup.

Issues for Contemplation before Policy Makers and Academics

Among the labor force the unorganized that constitute 92% needs more attention. Of the issues concerning the interest of those belonging to unorganized sector the issue of social security assumes more importance especially in country like India. It is difficult to identify and demarcate the unorganized sector that does not even have trade unions or institutional mechanism to fight for them. So, there is a need to define and demarcate the unorganized sector rather than saying that it is the residuary of the organized sector. It is also necessary to explore as to what changes are effected due to Globalization. There is a pressing necessity to make a detailed study about the quantum of unorganized work force and the enjoyment of social security measures either in full or in part as envisaged in the Convention and the Recommendations of the ILO (International Labour Organisation) as well the constitutional mandate. Now the time has come to evaluate the Unorganized Workers Social security Act, 2008 and to suggest ways and means for the effective implementation so as to improve the standards of unorganized sector. Organizing the unorganized sector is a huge task that needs the will of the State in accommodating them within the scope of State’s intervention. What is therefore the need of the hour is institutionalizing Informal Sectors and then contextualizing them the twin tasks before academia and administrators.

Conclusion

In western countries intrusion of market economy has given a death blow to their models of welfare state for implementing the ideas of welfare state. Consequently, the eastern part of the world, India with no exception drawing heavily the inspirations for the foundations of modern democracy and welfare state are per se in a state of identity crisis with competing and clashing interests between “Thinking Globally and Acting Locally”. What we witness today the retreat of State’s intervention in the day to day life of the common man and the rise of the diktat of market forces which is diametrically opposed to the foundations of Nehruvian model of Indian Political Economy , with its ‘mixed economy’ upon which India’s political system rests upon. Hence the ramifications and repercussions of this new wave of integrating Indian families, communities and society with global market have indeed visibly resulted in the growing divide between land, labour and capital as they are externally integrated that are supposedly to be done internally. One such impact is the sporadic uneasiness against ‘Foreign Direct Investment’ (FDI) in retail sector and there are as many other issues did not get highlighted to the mainstream media such as the status of unorganised Agricultural labourers under corporate and contract farming systems, the status of collective bargaining of workers in Special Economic Zones ( SEZ’s), the social security of outsourced employees in BPO’s, the status of weaker sections and their interests in service sectors where FDI is allowed such as in Railways. Fostering an all inclusive growth through building models of social, political and economic inclusive systems are thoroughly incomplete without pondering these issues of vital importance.

With the advent of FDI in retail markets and more Capital flowing in the Country for establishing Industries that would obviously demand a higher degree of unskilled labour forces, it becomes the obligation of the State to protect its own people. They may not have a powerful lobbying power, their voices very meek and unheard yet, the legal and moral duty of contemporary administration would be totally incomplete without fine-tuning its Industrial Jurisprudence and the political will for enforcing its Social Security Policy more vigorously than ever before.

References

Brass, Paul R., The Politics of India Since Independence.(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

Breman, Jan, “A footloose proletariat: Informal sector labourin the rural and urban landscape of West India,”Manuscript (Amsterdam: 1993).

Cameron, David, “Social democracy, corporatism, laborquiescence, and the representation of economic interestsin advanced capitalist democracies,” in John Goldthorpe(Ed.), Order and Conjlict in Contemporary Capitalism(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984). pp. 143-180.

Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), BasicStatistics Relafing to the Indian Economy, Vol. 2(Bombay: CMIE, 1993).

Oommen, M. A., Inter State Shifting of Industries: A Case Study of South India, Manuscript (Trichur: University of Calicut, 1979).

Przeworski, Adam, Capitalism and Social Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).

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[1] . Chandra Mahesh, “ Industrial Jurisprudence,” (Bombay : N.M. Tripathi Private Ltd.) 1976 edition, p. 20

[2] . ibid

[3] . Dr. Vivek Ranjan Bhattacharya, Some Aspects of Social Security Measures in India (1970) p. 89

[4] . V.B. Singh, Industrial Labour in India, 1963, p.80

[5] . ibid at p.79

[6] . Krishnan Gopala (K.C), “Legal Economics”, (Lucknow: Eastern Book Company) 1988 edition, p.425.

[7] . Justice Krishna Iyer V.R, “ Globalisation a threat to India”, The Hindu dated on December 27th , 2001, Coimbatore Editiion.

[8] . Choudhury Supriya roy, “ Globalisation and Politics,” The Hindu dated on September 4th, 2001, Coimbatore edition.